Nations and Regions: Dynamics of devolution - Northern Ireland
by Rick Wilford
QUARTERLY REPORT, November 2001, The Constitution Unit, University College London
In the run-up to November 2nd, the anticipated date for the election once more of a first and deputy first minister, the political ether buzzed in anticipation. Owing to a drafting error in the final hurried days of preparation of the agreement, for the duo to be (jointly) elected requires 'parallel consent' - not only an overall majority in the assembly or even a weighted majority (see below), but a majority both of designated 'unionists' and of 'nationalists'. With 58 unionist MLAs, the Trimble/Durkan ticket required the backing of 30 unionists to prevail (there was no nationalist opposition to fear). So speculation mounted that those MLAs self-designated as 'others' - the Alliance Party (with five members) and the Women's Coalition (with two MLAs) would seek to amend standing orders enabling them to redesignate immediately as 'umonists' for the remainder of the assembly term (until May 2003). Such a procedural wheeze itself required approval by the assembly on a cross-community basis, either by parallel consent or weighted majority (the latter entailing 60 per cent support overall, including at least 40 per cent of both unionists and nationalists).
Standing orders did provide for redesignation, but required 30 days' written notice to the speaker, and permitted of just one change of communal/political identity in the lifetime of an assembly. Thus, on the appointed day the Women's Coalition sought to amend standing orders by tabling a motion allowing an immediate redesignation. In response, the DUP moved an amendment (subject to a simple majority), extending the period of written notice from 30 to 45 days. In her speech moving the motion, Jane Morrice (WC) signalled that if it was successfully carried, she would redesignate as a 'unionist' and that Monica McWilliams, her sister member, would re-designate as a 'nationalist' - a dual identity change that would at once satisfy its electorate, drawn from both 'communities' (and none), and ceteris paribus, enable the election of Messrs Trimble and Durkan. The DUP's amendment was defeated and the WC's carried by weighted majority, thereby allowing the election to occur. Any lingering hope or suspicion that Alliance would avail itself of the amended standing order and redesignate in whole or in part as 'unionist' did not materialise - at least not on November 2nd.
In effect, Mr Trimble was now relying on a procedural device which earlier in the week he had described as 'tacky'. Indeed, it was evident that he much preferred to be 're-born' as first minister through 'natural childbirth' rather than an 'assisted delivery' through induced change to standing orders. Through gritted teeth, however, he endured the change, only to be thwarted by one vote: 30 unionists voted against the Trimble/Durkan ticket (including Ms Armitage and Mr Weir), with 29 in favour - including the newly defined Ms Morrice. (All nationalists present, SF and SDLP members plus Ms McWilliams, supported the ticket.)
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