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20 February 2015
The Good Friday Agreement

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From NEWS LETTER September 10th, 1999

THIS morning there is considerable disappointment in the unionist community at the outcome of the review into policing, to the extent that many people are wondering who exactly Chris Patten listened to when he was drawing conclusions from his months of wide-ranging public consultations. The anticipated changes to the names, emblems and traditions of the RUC were always bound to evoke an emotive response among serving officers and the families of those who have been killed and maimed in the battle against terrorism. That had been made clear. One of the most serious effects of the report has been to demoralise officers who stood in the front lines in that dangerous conflict, and who as a consequence saw the lives of many colleagues savagely ended or destroyed by enemies of the state. Now they are being told that people who represent their attackers will have a significant say in their futures. It is a chilling prospect which must be resisted with every available device within the law. Small wonder, then, that emotions are running high; small wonder that there is a deep sense of betrayal among uniformed officers who believe they have become sacrificed on the altar of political expedience. And understandably, their anger and disgust is also evident in the wider unionist community, which has become increasingly perturbed by what appears to be a never-ending assault on the things they hold dear. Mr Patten was, of course, anxious to put across the point that his report is apolitical, but here, the subject of policing is unavoidably political. The review is essentially part of a political agreement, and when considering the unionist response, it is necessary to remember that it came about largely as a result of nationalist and republican pressure. Had the spirit of the Good Friday Agreement been honoured by republican and loyalist terror organisations in the way that most people who voted for it envisaged, there would be more public confidence in the determination of everyone involved in the process to build a peaceful and stable future, free from violence and the threat of it. In such a climate, many of the recommendations would be more acceptable, and from a pragmatic point of view, would make more sense. As things stand, the prospect of demoralising the only police force we have, and reorganising it in a way that is not guaranteed to enhance the fight against crime and terrorism, seems premature. Worse still, as politicians begin to get their teeth into the real meat of the document, fears are arising that the proposed changes will actually inhibit this ability, as well as opening up a tradesman's entrance through which some of society's most dubious characters could pass. It is also unfortunate that after 30 years of sacrifice, the RUC has not been afforded the opportunity to prove itself capable of policing a normal society in a normal fashion. Yet even in the fragile peace which now exists, it has demonstrated, under its present Chief Constable, a willingness and desire to respond positively. The percentage of Catholic recruits has risen as a result. Areas previously out-of-bounds to the RUC have been opened up in a constructive fashion, thanks to the co-operation between officers and local communities, in spite of Sinn Fein's obvious displeasure. It is patently obvious that the RUC should have been allowed more time to adapt to changing circumstances before such far-reaching conclusions on its suitability and acceptability were drawn. Yes, there is deep and understandable pain in the unionist community. But the review also presents momentous challenges to the nationalist population and its leaders. The pain inflicted by the report will come to nought if its ambitions cannot be realised because of nationalist rejection of a "transformed" police service. Mr Patten has effectively thrown down the gauntlet to those who cried for reforms as the price for supporting the Province's police service. Their reaction over the coming weeks will provide a measure of the report's success in ending the controversial debate for once and for all. Yet despite the report's obvious defects, it would be wrong at this early stage to appeal to the wider population to either support or reject the totality of its recommendations.

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