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20 February 2015
The Good Friday Agreement

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The Churches' response

Schools of Reconciliation: Issues in Joint Roman Catholic-Anglican Education by Priscilla Chadwick (Cassell, 1994)

Analysis of the Churches' response to integrated ecumenical education is inevitably a piece in the complex jigsaw of the intertwining interests of religion and politics in Northern Ireland. We may attempt to examine the Protestant position first.

THE PROTESTANTS

Protestant supremacy had not only meant permanent control of the government by the enforcement of the majority view in the name of democracy (leaving the minority with the sense of being excluded from equal participation). It has also meant a belief in a superior social position and a difference of economic status and opportunity. The traditional Unionist and Orange convictions, expressed with force and clarity by the Revd Ian Paisley, clearly show the fervour and commitment of Irish Protestantism in the North. Dervla Murphy commented:

The average Northern Ireland Protestant is convinced that his forefathers were God-fearing, diligent, sober, honest, thrifty settlers whose virtues entitled them to take over the neglected lands of the superstitious, lazy, drunken, sly, shiftless natives. (1978, p.100)

She went on to quote and example of the bigotry which this conviction can produce:

A fourteen year old Protestant boy, horrified to discover that his French oral examiner was to be a nun, telephoned his mother. `No child of mine will ever be examined by a Taig', she replied. `And don't worry about your exam. I'll be on to the Education Authority now this minute.' That fourteen year old attained instant fame as the hard-done-by opponent of pernicious ecumenism. (Ibid., p.101)

Murphy suggested that Protestant bigotry was, or at least appeared, far more entrenched, abrasive and aggressive than the Roman Catholic equivalent. Evangelical assurance encourages Protestant to suppose that they speak and act with the right of God on their side; by contrast `Roman Catholics derive from their membership of the Roman Catholic Church an inner assurance which makes their bigotry that much less aggressive'. One person's devotion is another's fanaticism, and it is difficult to accept that Murphy's antithesis can be entirely fair. The two communities seem to be equally misinformed about each other's beliefs and traditions of practice, and equally ready to misrepresent one another: `the dominant cultures, are so mutually antipathetic that any demonstration on one is perceived to be an assault on the other' (Murray, 1983, pp. 283-55). In relation to the integration of education, the opposition of Protestant appeared veiled, whereas suspicion, not to say direct opposition, had been unconcealed on the part of the local Roman Catholic bishop.

This disapproval by the Catholic hierarchy let the Protestant Churches off the hook in several ways. First, Protestant ministers in the non-episcopal Churches are chosen by their congregations, and it would be difficult for them to follow a line independent of their flock.

The great majority of church members in Northern Ireland... instinctively expect their ministers to support the traditional sectarian parties which on each side are supposed to give political expression to true Christianity as they see it. (Gallagher and Worrall, 1982, p. 200) [4]

Since the Protestants fought long and hard to protect their own interests in education, they were as reluctant as the Catholics to take any risks with the status quo. Secondly, the Church of Ireland ministers had to watch their backs for fear of undermining their position vis-&aagrave;-vis the Republic. As a minority community south of the border, they have argued forcefully for the protection of their own schools and denominational teaching. They therefore had to be cautious in their stance on integrated education north of the border or in appearing to undermine the Catholic minority's defence of their schools in Northern Ireland.

Nevertheless, the Churches publicly responded to the government consultations leading up to the Dunleath Act 1978. The Presbyterians had already passed two resolutions in favour of integrated education. The Methodists recognized it as `one step toward improved relationships'. The Church of Ireland welcomed the initiative.
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