Imperfect Peace: The Aftermath of Northern Ireland's Peace Accord
by John Darby & Roger MacGinty
From: Ethnic Studies Report, Vol.XV11, No.2, July 1999 (Published by International Centre for Ethnic Studies, Sri Lanka)
Violence
A major threat to the Agreement came in the form of spoiler violence from elements who were dissatisfied with the faith the main paramilitary organisations had in the peace process. Two new republican groups, the Continuity IRA and the Real IRA signalled their intention to continue the armed struggle along traditional lines. British troops were to be driven out of Ireland regardless of political initiatives or popular opinion. The rump of the IRA, along with its political leadership in Sinn Fein, was to be regarded as traitorous. The early stages of the campaign by these breakaway groups were hampered by police successes. They also faced extreme discouragement from the main paramilitary organisations who were concerned that their wider political ambitions could be jeopardised by a resurgence in violence. Despite that, the CIRA were able to attack at number of police stations and to carry out a campaign against small towns, planting bombs in Banbridge, Enniskillen, Moira and Portadown.
Paramilitary fragmentation was not restricted to the republican side. The virulent breakaway Loyalist Volunteer Force, unnerved by the involvement of the mainstream loyalist paramilitaries in the peace process, targeted Catholic civilians from June 1996 onwards. The seemingly random attacks had a deliberate political aim; to goad republicans into breaking their ceasefire and prompting a collapse of the peace process.
While the peace process and Agreement seemed able to withstand spoiler violence, a severe test came in August 1998 when a splinter republican group planted a bomb in the country town of Omagh, killing 28 afternoon shoppers. The bomb had no specific targets, but followed a recent spate of 'Real IRA' bombings in small towns, aimed at derailing the peace agreement. The Omagh bomb struck indiscriminately against both communities. It appeared to spurn the popular feeling expressed in the recent referenda in both parts of Ireland. Public and political outrage created an environment that allowed Sinn Fein to break a taboo and condemn fellow republicans. The British and Irish governments were able to toughen and harmonise their anti-terrorist legislation with virtually no opposition. The UUP leader David Trimble travelled to the Irish Republic to attend the Catholic funeral services of children killed in the bomb. In other words, Omagh licensed a number of actors who had intellectually accepted the need to make changes to do so actually.
The bombing had more concrete effects, in that it prompted most of the breakaway organisations to declare ceasefires. Some violence did continue, particularly from small loyalist groups containing disaffected elements from larger groups. The peace process and post-Agreement period also saw an increase in less structured types of violence, with increases in sectarian street assaults, public order offences and arson attacks on identifiably Catholic or Protestant property. Much of this violence was related to the parades dispute and was concentrated in the summer months. It did, however, point to a continued willingness among many to use the politics of the street. This violence may not have been as organised, or violent, as actions by the main paramilitary organisations, but it did point to a continuing culture of violence or belief that constitutional politics was dysfunctional.
A number of peace processes, and South Africa in particular, have been accompanied
by significant increases in non-political crime. The pattern in Northern
Ireland is more complicated. Conventional (non-political) crime rates have
traditionally been low and the incidence of most types of crime fell during
the peace process. Some crimes did show increases, particularly drugs related
offences and sexual assaults. This may have reflected a lessening of community
control by paramilitary organisations and an increasing willingness to report
crimes to the police. There was also an increase in public order offences
in connection with the parading dispute. Charged with protecting society
against any increases in crime was a police force which faced significant
reform. |
