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20 February 2015
The Good Friday Agreement

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The Patten, the whole Patten, and nothing but the Patten. The Patten proposals on policing in Northern Ireland have been altered dangerously by Peter Mandelson. Brendan O'Leary urges him to think again, lest he threaten the who

From IRISH TIMES July 28th, 2000

"Something has gone seriously wrong. But what is it?" The question is Peter Mandelson's, according to the leaked Philip Gould memo of last week. With regard to the Northern Ireland Police Bill, which has left the House of Commons for the House of Lords, the relevant answer is himself. In fact, he is running out of time to avert disaster. Disaster may come in two forms. Its mildest form is taking shape. The SDLP, Sinn Féin, the Irish Government, Irish America, the American government, the Women's Coalition, human rights NGOs, the Catholic Church in Ireland, and Irish nationalist civil society have, accurately, condemned the emerging Act as a betrayal of the Patten report, and of the Belfast Agreement, both in letter and spirit. In consequence, the SDLP and Sinn Féin will not recommend that their constituents consider joining the police, and they may well boycott the Policing Board and District Policing Partnership boards. That will leave the police without Patten's promised "new beginning", lacking full legitimacy with just less than half the local electorate, an institutional bomb waiting to explode. The outbreak of armed conflict in 1969 was partly caused by an unreformed, half-legitimate police service, responsible for seven of the first eight deaths. In its strongest form, disaster would de-couple nationalists and republicans from the agreement. Failure to deliver Patten will mean Sinn Féin will find it difficult to get the IRA to go further in decommissioning, which in turn will lead to unionist calls for the exclusion of Sinn Féin from office, and possibly to a repeat of Mr Trimble's "decommission or I'll resign" gambit. If decommissioning does not happen because of Mandelson's failure to deliver Patten, the SDLP will not be able or willing to help prioritise decommissioning, unless it prefers electoral suicide. The IRA will find it difficult to prevent further departures to the so-called "Real IRA", except by refusing to budge on arms. In short, a second collapse of the agreement's institutions looms. Something is going "seriously wrong". How did we get here? The short answer is that the Bill was drafted by the Northern Ireland Office's officials under Mr Mandelson's supervision. They "forgot" that the Patten Commission's terms of reference came from the Belfast Agreement, and that Patten's report and 175 recommendations represented the carefully researched compromise between the unionist belief that the RUC met the terms of reference of the agreement and the republican demand that the RUC be disbanded. The Secretary of State and his officials believed they had the right to implement those bits of Patten they found acceptable, and to leave aside those they found unacceptable, premature, or likely to cause difficulties for Trimble or the RUC. This led to a big lie: the Bill was presented to Parliament as the implementation of Patten when it manifestly was not. One of Patten's commissioners, Dr Lynch, publicly pointed this out, and some others have privately confirmed Mr Lynch is right. In response to Irish and American condemnation, Mr Mandelson promised, including in the Guardian newspaper, to listen. He declared he might have been a bit too cautious, indicated the Bill could be modified in Parliament, and suggested his critics were engaging in hype. The Bill has been improved in the Commons but too little.* The quota for the recruitment of Catholics is now better protected, but not as strongly as Patten recommended. The Policing Board, rather than the Secretary of State, has been given power over the setting of short-run objectives, and final responsibility for the police's code of ethics. Consultation procedures involving the Ombudsman and the Equality Commission have been strengthened, and the First and Deputy First Ministers will now be consulted over the appointment of non-party members to the board.

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