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20 February 2015
The Good Friday Agreement

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The Nature of the British-Irish Agreement

by Brendan O'Leary

Table Four. The Allocation of Ministries (with a DUP boycott or exclusion)

    UKUP DUP PUP UUP APNI
NIWC SDLP SF

S

M

S

M

S

M

S

M

S

M

S

M

S

M

S

M

1

5

-

20

N/a

2

-

28

[1]

6

[10]

2

-

24

[2]

18

[3]

2

10

N/a

14

[4]

12

[5]

9

[7]

3

6.6

N/a

9.3

6

8

[8]

6

4

5

7

[9]

6

4.5

All

20

N/a

28

4

6

1

24

3

18

2



There is only one important ambiguity in the Agreement about how the d'Hondt rule will operate. Two possibilities exist. Either the First and Deputy First Ministers count as part of the allocation of Ministers, or they do not. If they do count then, in the examples above, UUP would start the allocation with 27 seats and the SDLP with 23. In some possible scenarios this method would have the important consequence of helping other parties. But if they do not count, as I think is the most reasonable reading of the text, then allocations would proceed as in the above examples.

The d'Hondt rule is also to be used to allocate Committee Chairs and Deputy Chairs. It would be fair to do so with the figures resulting from the subtraction of Ministers from parties' seats in the Assembly, but the Agreement is not clear on this. It is also not clear if the d'Hondt rule will be used to allocate all Committee places. I am assuming that that will happen - in which case some committees may not have unionist majorities.

The UUP and SDLP have provisionally agreed the creation of junior Ministers - presumably to be allocated places on the d'Hondt rule. If so, then every major pro-agreement party will have most of its members 'having prizes' of some sort of another - something which can only assist the cementing of the Agreement, and will provide incentives for a shift of posture on the part of ambitious anti Agreement Assembly members. It will also mean that the new Assembly is likely to have a rather small part of its membership free for standard adversarial parliamentary debating in the classical Westminster mould. Perhaps that is also to the good.

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