The Character of the 1998 Agreement: Results and Prospects
by Brendan O'Leary
From: Aspects of the Belfast Agreement edited by Rick Wilford,
Oxford University Press 2001
Executive Power-Sharing
The Agreement established two quasi-presidential figures, a novel dyarchy, a First Minister and a deputy First Minister, elected together by the parallel consent procedure. This procedure was intended to supply very strong incentives to unionists and nationalists to nominate a candidate for one of these positions that was acceptable to a majority of the other bloc's Assembly members, In the first elections for these posts, in designate form, pro-Agreement unionists in the UUP and the Progressive Unionist Party, who then had a majority of registered unionists, voted solidly for the combination of David Trimble of the UUP and Seamus Mallon of the SDLP. Naturally so did the SDLP, which enjoyed a majority among registered nationalists. The "No unionists" voted against this combination, while Sinn Féin abstained.
The rule ensured that a unionist and a nationalist shared the top two posts.
The Agreement and its UK legislative enactment, the Northern Ireland Act
(1998) made clear that both posts had identical symbolic and external representation
functions. Indeed both had identical powers. The sole difference was in
their titles: both were to preside over the "Executive Committee" of Ministers,
and have a role in co-ordinating its work.6 This dual premiership critically
depended upon the personal co-operation of the two holders of these posts,
and upon the co-operation of their respective majorities - or pluralities.
The Northern Ireland Act (1998) reinforced their interdependence by requiring
that "if either the First Minister or the deputy First Minister ceases to hold office, where by resignation or otherwise, the other shall also cease to hold office" (Article 14 (6)). This latter rule underscored the delicacy
of the dual premiership. Indeed the proximate cause of the suspension of
the Agreement in February 2000 was the fear that the threatened resignation
of the First Minister, David Trimble, would have produced an unworkable
Assembly. Given that there were now twenty-nine "No Unionists" with a blocking
veto, the UK Government feared that Trimble would not have had sufficient
support to return to office under the parallel consent rule. In fact the
Assembly could have proposed, under its existing procedures, by weighted
majority, an amendment to the procedures for electing the First and Deputy
First Ministers - which Westminster could have ratified under the mechanisms
discussed above - but this possibility was neglected. |
