Reconciliation and Victims of Violence
What the Good Friday Agreement says
Bloomfield's subsequent report of the review of criminal compensation, June 1999, not only has not learned from past mistakes but also has brushed aside the victims of state and state sponsored violence yet again. In the only section that refers to "criminal and unlawful acts carried out by servants of the State (such as the armed forces and the police)" the report glibly refers to "international covenants which the United Kingdom has signed and ratified". He yet again removes from his consideration victims of state and state sponsored violence and their needs.
This throw away is also in the context of the British Government continually derogating from its responsibilities to United Nations' recommendations in relation to its responsibilities after state killings and in relation to the application of human rights.
Note: Nowhere does this report recognise that almost none of the killings carried out by the state have been recognised as unlawful or criminal, although the families would absolutely dispute the illegality and the impunity with which state forces have acted.
This report also refers to "Failure to Co-operate with Police". This section includes two paragraphs that refer to some people's past reluctance to comply with "all reasonable requests for information and assistance in identifying, apprehending, prosecuting and convicting the offender". This was raised in relation to likely intimidation of an individual by "local conditions". This "reluctance" had precluded individuals from receiving compensation following an incident. It did not raise the difficulties caused by cases involving the RUC or British army in the actual killings/injuries nor any allegations of collusion, nor the numerous cases where there was complete failure by the RUC to investigate cases.
Again he did not consult or try to understand the needs of this constituency.
This man has failed to implement the spirit and letter of the Agreement in relation to victims. He is partial and this partiality has set the tone for how victims have been dealt with since the Good Friday Agreement was signed. This failure was directly seized upon by opponents to the Good Friday Agreement, who formed politically motivated victims pressure groups.
The appointment of the Minister for Armed Forces, Adam Ingram, as a "Champion for Victims" raised very real concerns surrounding his ability to act impartially. These fears were absolutely founded when the relatives of nine men killed by the British army in Loughgall in 1987, met with him earlier this year. These relatives found him biased and partial, as he completely disregarded their concerns. Indeed during the private meeting he held with them he showed complete contempt for these families.
Adam Ingram has been continually unwilling to meet relatives of people killed by the state. He refused to meet relatives of people killed by the British army in Springhill, Belfast in 1972. He not only does not understand many victims' experiences and needs, he has no intention of trying to understand them.
Adam Ingram fully supports the impunity with which state forces have acted and has no intention of addressing the past or assisting the process of reconciliation.
Following the meeting with the families of the nine people killed in Loughgall the ensuing debate raised the partiality of others belonging to government initiatives. David Clements of the Victims Liaison Unit and the government sponsored Cost of the Troubles Survey talked about the need for these families to accept their loved ones guilt before they could be recognised as equal or be treated with parity. These comments were unsurprising given that the recently published Cost of the Troubles Survey, much lauded and part-government funded, had by-passed the victims of state violence, their representatives and their communities. They were also snubbed when the report was launched - none of the groups related to Relatives for Justice were invited, they were blatantly not acknowledged by this report's authors or in the report's contents. This was also true of the Bloomfield Report and its launch.
The Touchstone Initiative, set-up under the Bloomfield Report, continues to be under-represented from the community who have suffered bereavement either by the state or through collusion. Long-standing groups like the United Campaign Against Plastic Bullets, the Bloody Sunday Justice Group, the Cullyhanna Justice Group, the Loughgall Campaign for Truth- none have representatives to Touchstone. They are deemed to be covered by one representative from Relatives for Justice - despite the over-representation of groups representing people killed who were members of the security forces and who were killed by the IRA.
"Victims have a right to remember as well as to contribute to a changed society"
The Agreement states that victims have a right to remember.
When the truth has never been told about the death of a loved one killed
it is very hard to believe that this principle is self-evident. Many relatives
of people killed by the state or its agents have experienced lies being
told about the incident from start to finish. The right to remember includes
the right to truth. This year, since the Agreement was signed many relatives
have continued to ask questions about the truth of the killings of their
loved ones. The state has actively worked to stop the truth being told and
these families have found themselves working in further isolation and being
marginalised.
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