The Council of the Isles and the Scotland Northern Ireland relationship
by Graham Walker
Significantly, the Irish government had just taken a decision to establish a Consulate General in both Edinburgh and Cardiff, their responsibilities being to develop links with Scotland and Wales, work with Scottish and Welsh representation on the BIC and report to Dublin on developments in Scottish and Welsh politics after devolution (The Herald 1 August 1998). As one influential commentator noted, the move in relation to Scotland at least seemed to be an acknowledgement of the nationalistic temper of contemporary Scotland (Millar 1998). Commenting on the Irish move The Herald newspaper called for a clearer definition of the role of the BIC, and endorsed the notion of a renewal of the 'Celtic connection' between Scotland and Ireland. It even observed that some historic links with the North of Ireland, such as Orange extremism 'we might wish to skirt over' (The Herald 15 October 1998).
All of this puts the potential of the Council of the Isles in a different cultural and political light to that favoured by the Ulster Unionists, for whom the idea was meant to have most appeal in the first instance. There is relatively little attention given, in the Scottish media and artistic circles at any rate, to the Ulster-Scots cultural heritage which has been politically galvanised in Northern Ireland by Unionists in response to the identification of Irish Nationalism with Gaelic cultural pursuits. There does seem the prospect of a 'Celtic bias' permeating the deliberations of the BIC on cultural and educational matters, although those promoting Ulster-Scottish cultural ties may have more success in engaging Scottish energies by launching educational initiatives to make the intellectual flowering of the eighteenth century in both places around figures such as Francis Hutcheson much better known and appreciated. On the evidence of recent political wranglings over language issues, it is doubtful if Irish, Scots Gaelic, and Ulster-Scots will all be able to prosper together in terms of funding and educational initiatives. (The Herald 23 April 1998),
Thus, in spite of government spokespersons like Mo Mowlam playing down the ideological dimension to the BIC and promoting it in terms of 'common sense' and practicalities, competing Unionist and Nationalist agendas are likely to be brought to it. This is certainly not in the ''post Nationalist'' and ''post Unionist' spirit of the concept as expounded by intellectual figures like Kearney, but it will take time for traditional notions of identity, allegiance and sovereignty to soften, and cultural matters will carry the potential for political friction. Such friction will be more likely if devolutionary arrangements, particularly in Scotland and Northern Ireland are constantly assailed by Nationalist pressures, and if the political cultures in both places continued to be characterised by constitutional uncertainty and dominated by the issue of devolution as a terminus or as a staging post to Scottish independence and Irish unity. It will be interesting to see if the cultural complexities of these islands - the inter-weaving of British and Irish cultural strands - are properly acknowledged and accepted as the framework in which to conduct new relationships, or whether more narrowly focused cultural agendas will prevail.
VI
The new constitutional arrangements, and the BIC in particular, have led
more Scottish political figures and commentators to consider how Scotland
might relate in the future to both parts of Ireland. There is a growing
awareness that Scotland is in a good position to contribute constructively
to the Northern Ireland debate after years of virtual silence, that the
Scottish voice may represent a beneficial broadening of the 'Anglo-Irish'
structures and a balancing force, notwithstanding the potential friction
over cultural agendas discussed in the previous section (Walker 1998: Ramsay
1998). There is still caution, a reluctance to encourage speculation about
politics in a Home Rule Scotland shaping up more like those of Northern
Ireland 1, and a fear of sectarianism acquiring a higher profile over issues
like education in the context of devolution. Nevertheless, the presence
of West of Scotland Labour figures Adam Ingram and John McFall in the Northern
Ireland office, and the intervention in debates on the new Northern Ireland
legislation by Norman Godman, are perhaps indications that political interactions
are increasing and that Scots have a positive input to make and important
lessons to learn 1. There seems to be a growing perception that the construction
of a new politics in both places which is inclusive, infused with civic
values and free from majoritarian assumptions (Porter 1996, Aitken 1998b)
will require dialogue and co-operation such as may be appropriate for a
body like the Council of the Isles. |
