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20 February 2015
The Good Friday Agreement

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No illusions about new institutions

Sean Brady

An Phoblacht/Republican News Thursday 17 September, 1998

The past week has witnessed the new six-county Assembly in session and the experience has, for many commentators in the media at least, been a major anti-climax.

Sinn Fein raised the issue of the use of the Irish language and equal status is being sought for those who wish to contribute through Irish. They also called for the national flag to be flown.

Arms decommissioning was again used by unionist politicians in an attempt to set preconditions on Sinn Fein involvement in the Executive, with Gerry Adams responding forcefully that Sinn Fein as much as any other party, cannot deliver IRA decommissioning. He added that the party would fulfil its commitments in relation to this, as with every other issue.

Further evidence of the continuing fragmentation of unionism came with the emergency in the Assembly of a new unionist party. The United Unionist Assembly Party consists of three Ulster Unionist members who resigned last week after they had faced disciplinary measures for breaking party rules by contesting the Assembly elections as independents.

Unlike those who were frustrated by the banality of the Assembly this week, republicans never had any illusions about its place in the wider scheme of things. Sinn Fein's strategy is to pursue the Good Friday Document to its outer limits. This involves relentless pursuit of short and medium-term objectives such as the establishment of all-Ireland structures, the abolition of the RUC and delivery of the equality agenda. The Assembly is a forum where these issues will be thrashed out and through which attention will be drawn to them.

The entirely reasonable nature of nationalist political demands for justice and equality can only be further highlighted through the Assembly debates and coverage of them. Conversely the spotlight should also be thrown on the naked sectarianism and blind obduracy of those reactionary unionist politicians who will attempt to limit the scope and application of the Good Friday Agreement and who will use their numbers in the assembly as a block to political progress.

The Six-County Assembly and the Executive should not be seen as the 'be all' and 'end all' for Sinn Fein in the days that lie ahead. All of these institutions are entered into by Sinn Fein on the basis of further pursuing republican objectives. The core objective of republicans remains a united, independent and sovereign Ireland.

Sinn Fein cannot afford to be distracted from its task of building a 32-county political struggle. Nor will it.

The Six-County Assembly, just like Leinster House, is merely another vehicle through which Sinn Fein intends to represent the interests of Irish republicanism. The uneven development of Sinn Fein in the two states in Ireland may have obscured the reality that the 26 counties is as important an arena of struggle for republicans as the occupied North. This is something which Sinn Fein is determined to overcome. Sinn Fein must seek to increase its party political strength North and South and to increase its level of representation at all levels of government in both states.

The Six-County Assembly is for republicans but another front in the struggle for Irish unity, a struggle which has many other avenues for the pursuit of our objectives. Sinn Fein is not a purely parliamentary party and republicans have no intention of being cornered in the cul-de-sac of parliamentarianism. The lessons of Irish history and our own contemporary experience of political struggle have made us all too aware of the folly of such a singular course of action. Sinn Fein has always been and remains a campaigning party. It has been through campaigns that its greatest successes have been recorded over the years and campaigns around the pressing issues will be essential in the coming months.

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